The Southeast Asian country is home to some of the world's longest civil wars, where myriad ethnic insurgencies have fought the military, central government and each other for greater rights and autonomy. Some of those bloody conflicts have ebbed and flowed in the borderlands for 70 years. Throughout years of conflict in Myanmar's jungles and mountains, ethnic people have witnessed and been subjected to horrific atrocities including massacres, rape and other forms of sexual violence, torture, forced labor and displacement by the armed forces, as well as state-sanctioned discrimination. In 2016 and 2017, the military launched a brutal campaign of killing and arson that forced more than 740,000 Rohingya minority people to flee into neighboring Bangladesh, prompting a genocide case to be heard at the International Court of Justice. In 2019, the United Nations said "grave human rights abuses" by the military were still continuing in the ethnic states of Rakhine, Chin, Shan, Kachin and Karen.
This week, that brutality played out on the streets of Myanmar's biggest cities, as the ruling junta launched a systematic and coordinated attack on unarmed peaceful demonstrators calling for an end to the February 1 coup. Witnesses, footage and photographs showed police and the military shooting dead anti-coup protesters, beating detainees and reported extrajudicial killings, while images of crumpled bodies laying in pools of their own blood or being dragged through the streets shocked the world. Determined to fight against those abuses and ensure their distinct voices and demands are heard, ethnic people have loudly joined the nationwide protests, uniting in solidarity against a common enemy. Though many fear further violence and intensified conflict from an unchecked military junta operating with impunity and now firmly in control of the country. "This fight has been since the beginning of the forming of the country itself. We hope that the current fight against the military coup in 21st century might be a new hope for our people," said Chin activist Sang Hnin Lian. Ethnic demands go deeper Protesters have called for the military to honor the results of the November 2020 election, which saw the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, win with a thumping majority. They are also demanding the release of Suu Kyi, ousted President Win Myint and other government officials from detention. But minority people, of which there are 135 official groups, say these demands are largely made by the country's majority ethnic group, the Buddhist Bamar, who traditionally live in the country's heartlands -- which includes large cities like Yangon and Mandalay -- and say the fight goes deeper than just the military verses the NLD. "This is a very important transition period," said Karen activist Naw Esther Chit. Using another name for Myanmar, she added: "In Burma, ethnic people were marginalized, and their voices excluded... ethnic people need to come together and raise a voice for our rights." A group called the General Strike Committee of Nationalities (GSCN) was established to support the protests and be a central place for the many protesting ethnic minorities. Made up of 29 ethnic groups, the GSCN wants to end military rule, abolish the military-drafted 2008 constitution, build a federal democratic union and release everyone who has been unjustly detained. "Ethnic people don't want dictatorship, we don't want to bring back military government to rule the country because we already know the consequences of military rule in ethnic areas," said Chit, a GSCN member.
When Suu Kyi's NLD won elections in 2015, there was hope her promise of national reconciliation would halt the abuses, bolster the peace process, and give ethnic people a voice in the new Myanmar. But many minorities felt Suu Kyi governed for the majority and were excluded from consultation on issues that affected them. Meanwhile, the peace process floundered. The NLD did make headway on building infrastructure such as roads, construction, internet access, and education, "but when we talk about the policy stuff, nothing has changed in the past 10 years," said Sang Hnin Lian, with the Chin Human Rights Organization. Nestled high in the mountains bordering India and Bangladesh in Myanmar's far west is Chin state. The remote and rugged state of 500,000 people is one of the country's poorest, and over the past 20 years a heavy military presence has built up there, according to Sang Hnin Lian. Its people have recently been caught up in fighting to its south between ethnic Rakhine rebels and the military. Sang Hnin Lian said Chin people have been used as human shields in war in the past, and forced to porter or guide the military. "Portering was one of worst human rights violations, forcing villagers to carry their (rice and equipment) and asking civilian people to guide them when they went to go. And this is still happening in last two years," Lian said. And because of decades of conflict, landmines still contaminate many ethnic areas across the country. The Chin Human Rights Organization has documented more than 12 landmine deaths in the state in the last two years.
CNN has reached out to the ruling military regime via email but has not yet received a response. If the Myanmar military succeeds in establishing a full administration, Lian's biggest fear is that fighting in ethnic areas will increase. "There will be more human right violations, loss of life," he said. "This will of course cause a mass exodus to neighboring countries." Anti-coup protests have been ongoing in the Chin state capital Hakha and other areas. Lian said among the biggest demands are for a federal democracy and abolishing the 2008 constitution. In the months leading up to Myanmar's independence from the British, an agreement was signed in 1947 between some of the country's ethnic groups to unify the country in exchange for federal autonomy. Suu Kyi's father Gen. Aung San led the interim government that negotiated the Panglong Agreement but was assassinated shortly after and the promise of a federal union was never fulfilled. Instead, successive military rulers subjected minority ethnic people to a policy of forced assimilation called "Burmanization," which restricted non-Bamar religious and cultural practices, made the Burmese language mandatory in schools, and favored the dominant Buddhist religion. Non-Bamar ethnic people were oppressed, Lian said. "You could be slapped if you were found not speaking Burmese," he added. Since then, Myanmar's ethnic groups have fought for self-determination of their ancestral lands, where states are run by ethnic people, not by the central government in Naypyidaw.
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